ISLAMABAD: Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on Wednesday chaired a high-level consultative meeting to review the situation in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, with the government considering various constitutional and legal options amid the deteriorating security situation in the province and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf\u2019s planned long march on Islamabad on October 4, sources said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi, Law Minister Azam Nazeer Tarar, Information Minister Attaullah Tarar and Minister of State for Interior Talal Chaudhry attended the meeting, according to the sources.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Naqvi briefed the prime minister on the law and order situation in KP, while the law minister gave a briefing on constitutional and legal matters relating to the province, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The meeting also discussed backchannel contacts with PTI leaders and different legal and constitutional options to deal with the situation in KP, according to the sources.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The prime minister decided that all stakeholders would be taken into confidence before any decision was taken regarding KP.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
According to the sources, he is also expected to meet President Asif Ali Zardari on the matter.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The consultations come amid mounting tensions between the federal and PTI-led KP governments over security, governance and the PTI\u2019s planned march on Islamabad.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The PTI has set October 4 for its long march after postponing the originally planned September 27 protest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
A day earlier, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Chief Minister Sohail Afridi said<\/a> on Tuesday that the PTI\u2019s planned long march on Islamabad would go ahead on October 4 \u201cunder all circumstances\u201d, urging supporters to take part in the protest peacefully.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cOctober 4 will happen,\u201d Afridi said while speaking at a joint news conference with provincial Adviser for Finance Muzammil Aslam in Peshawar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Earlier, PTI Chairman Barrister Gohar Ali Khan said on Tuesday that the party\u2019s call for the October 4 march remained intact. He also said the party had repeatedly assured authorities that it would neither storm nor attack any location.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The federal government, meanwhile, has stepped up warnings that constitutional measures could be considered if the situation in KP deteriorates further.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Law Minister Azam Nazeer Tarar said earlier that governor\u2019s rule or an emergency could be imposed in the province if the constitutional requirements were met.<\/p>\n\n\n\n KP Governor Faisal Karim Kundi earlier also warned the provincial government against pushing the situation to a point where governor\u2019s rule becomes necessary.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kundi has described governor\u2019s rule as a \u201cmeasure of necessity\u201d and said the president could impose it on the prime minister\u2019s advice if the situation warranted such a step.<\/p>\n\n\n\n He also urged the PTI government to reconsider its plan to march on Islamabad given the province\u2019s security situation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The issue gained further political momentum on Wednesday when PPP Secretary General Nayyar Bukhari said<\/a> his party would offer constitutional suggestions if the federal government consulted it over governor\u2019s rule in KP.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bukhari said that governor\u2019s rule could be imposed on the governor\u2019s recommendation in case of failure of the provincial government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n He described the law and order situation in KP as the \u201cworst\u201d and urged the federal government to enforce the law to prevent violence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The federal government\u2019s case against the KP administration has centred largely on the province\u2019s deteriorating security situation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Information Minister Attaullah Tarar said on Monday that governance had failed in KP and accused the provincial government of not doing enough to counter terrorism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n He said the province had received additional resources through the National Finance Commission for counterterrorism and questioned how those funds had been utilised.<\/p>\n\n\n\n He also referred to recent attacks in Kohat and Dera Ismail Khan and urged the provincial government to focus on areas where people were being killed instead of political activities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Tarar said that governor\u2019s rule was \u201cpremature\u201d when asked about the possibility of imposing it, but maintained that the KP government had failed in several sectors, including health and education. He also said the government\u2019s priority should be protecting citizens from terrorism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n On Monday, Tarar and Talal Chaudhry went further in their criticism<\/a> of the PTI-led provincial government, accusing it of maintaining what they described as a \u201csoft attitude\u201d towards terrorists and Afghanistan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Chaudhry questioned why the KP leadership did not publicly condemn attacks allegedly originating from Afghanistan, while Tarar demanded an account of the resources allocated to the province for counterterrorism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The two ministers also questioned the resources available to the KP Counter-Terrorism Department, including vehicles, protective equipment, training, forensic facilities and the Safe City project.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Tarar also alleged that political and financial interests, including illegal mining and contracts, were influencing the provincial government\u2019s approach to terrorism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Those allegations were rejected by PTI, which accused the federal minister of political point-scoring and said KP\u2019s people, police and political workers had themselves suffered major losses in the fight against terrorism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Chaudhry separately accused the PTI leadership of having a \u201csoft attitude\u201d towards Afghanistan and alleged that the provincial government had failed to stand united behind security forces. The minister also questioned the use of counterterrorism funds and the resources available to the provincial police.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The federal government\u2019s concerns come after a series of deadly attacks in KP in recent weeks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n A September 18 attack<\/a> on the old Police Lines in Kohat martyred at least 21 people, including 15 police personnel, while more than 100 people were injured. A subsequent clearance operation killed eight attackers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n On September 26, an explosives-laden vehicle targeted<\/a> the Aman Mela checkpoint in Dera Ismail Khan\u2019s Darazinda area.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The attack was followed by firing on a Rescue 1122 ambulance carrying victims.<\/p>\n\n\n\n A subsequent FIR put the death toll at 14, with 35 people injured, and named unidentified militants allegedly affiliated with TTP-linked factions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Three traffic policemen were also killed in an attack on a police vehicle in Tank on September 28, according to police.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The security situation is also tied to growing tensions between Islamabad and Kabul.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Pakistan has accused the Afghan Taliban government of providing space to militant groups responsible for attacks inside Pakistan, allegations Kabul rejects.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Pakistan carried out air strikes in Afghanistan on September 24, saying it was targeting locations involved in launching and storing drones used against Pakistan; Kabul reported civilian deaths.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The PTI has rejected the federal government\u2019s allegations against the KP administration and said the province itself remains on the frontline of the fight against terrorism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The party said its workers, elected representatives, police and ordinary citizens had made significant sacrifices and questioned the basis for accusing the entire provincial government of facilitating terrorists.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It called for cooperation between the federal and provincial governments rather than political confrontation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n KP Chief Minister Sohail Afridi has also rejected the federal government\u2019s counterterrorism approach, arguing that merely providing additional resources to police would not resolve the problem without a policy change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n At a law and order meeting in Peshawar on Monday, Afridi said his government had diverted Rs35 billion from the development budget to the police and claimed that allocations for the force had been doubled.<\/p>\n\n\n\n He called for a new counterterrorism policy involving the provincial government, administration and police.<\/p>\n\n\n\n PTI, meanwhile, maintains that its October 4 march will be peaceful.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Gohar said the party\u2019s demands included allowing meetings with jailed PTI founder Imran Khan and providing him medical treatment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n He rejected the basis for imposing governor\u2019s rule or an emergency and warned that PTI would resist such a move.<\/p>\n\n\n\n According to analysts, the proposed use of governor\u2019s rule could further deepen political instability, while arguing that the overlapping security and protest crises had already placed considerable pressure on Islamabad.<\/p>\n\n\n\n With the PTI march still scheduled for October 4, the federal government\u2019s consultations have now moved beyond public warnings to consideration of constitutional and legal options.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The prime minister\u2019s decision to consult other stakeholders, including the president, suggests that the government has yet to announce a final course of action on KP.<\/p>\n\n\n\n As the federal government weighs legal and constitutional options amid growing tensions with the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government, references to imposing an emergency or Governor\u2019s rule in the province have brought two separate constitutional mechanisms into focus.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Constitution of Pakistan provides for both a Proclamation of Emergency under Article 232 and a Proclamation in case of failure of constitutional machinery in a province under Article 234. Although both provisions can result in the federal government assuming a greater role in the affairs of a province, the circumstances, procedure and duration prescribed for the two measures are different.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Article 232 empowers the president to proclaim an emergency if he is satisfied that a grave emergency exists in which the security of Pakistan, or any part of it, is threatened by war, external aggression or an internal disturbance that is beyond the power of a provincial government to control.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Constitution, however, places an additional requirement on an emergency imposed because of an internal disturbance. Following the 18th Amendment, such an emergency requires a resolution from the relevant provincial assembly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n If the president acts on his own rather than on the basis of a provincial assembly resolution, the proclamation must be placed before both houses of Parliament for approval by each house within 10 days.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Once an emergency is in force, Parliament acquires the power to legislate for the affected province on matters outside the Federal Legislative List. The federal executive authority also extends to issuing directions to the province regarding the manner in which its executive authority is to be exercised.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The federal government may also assume, through an order, all or some functions of the provincial government, or direct the governor to assume those functions on behalf of the federal government. It can also assume powers vested in provincial bodies or authorities, except the provincial assembly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n There is, however, an important constitutional limitation: the federal government cannot assume the powers of a High Court, direct the governor to assume those powers or suspend constitutional provisions relating to High Courts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Not completely.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Article 232 expressly states that an emergency does not restrict the provincial assembly\u2019s power to make laws on matters that it is otherwise competent to legislate on.<\/p>\n\n\n\n However, if a provincial law conflicts with an Act of Parliament made under the emergency powers, the federal law will prevail for as long as that federal law remains in force.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Constitution also provides that a federal law made under the special legislative power granted during an emergency, which Parliament would not otherwise have been competent to make, ceases to have effect to the extent of that incompetence six months after the emergency ends, subject to the constitutional exceptions relating to acts already done or omitted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n An emergency proclamation must be laid before a joint sitting of Parliament, which the president must summon within 30 days of the proclamation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The emergency automatically expires after two months unless the joint sitting approves its continuation through a resolution before that period ends. It can also cease earlier if the joint sitting passes a resolution disapproving it by a majority of the total membership of both houses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n There is a separate provision if the National Assembly is already dissolved when the emergency is proclaimed. In that situation, the proclamation can remain in force for up to four months, subject to the constitutional conditions relating to approval by the Senate if a general election has not taken place by then.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The constitutional provision more directly associated with what is commonly called Governor\u2019s rule is Article 234.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Under this article, if the president, after receiving a report from the governor of a province, is satisfied that a situation has arisen in which the provincial government cannot be carried on in accordance with the Constitution, the president may issue a proclamation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The proclamation can allow the president to assume some or all functions of the provincial government or direct the governor to exercise those functions on the president\u2019s behalf.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It can also provide that the powers of the provincial assembly are to be exercised by, or under the authority of, Parliament.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This is the key distinction between the two mechanisms: Article 232 is designed for a grave emergency involving war, external aggression or internal disturbance beyond the province\u2019s capacity to control, while Article 234 addresses a situation in which the constitutional machinery of the provincial government has failed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n If Article 234 is invoked and the proclamation provides that the powers of the provincial assembly are to be exercised by or under the authority of Parliament, Parliament can exercise legislative powers that would ordinarily belong to the provincial assembly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Constitution also allows Parliament, in joint sitting, to confer on the president the power to make laws on matters within the legislative competence of the provincial assembly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The president may also be authorised to approve expenditure from the Provincial Consolidated Fund when Parliament is not in session, subject to subsequent parliamentary sanction.<\/p>\n\n\n\n However, Article 234 contains an important safeguard for the judiciary. Neither the president nor the governor acting under the proclamation can assume powers vested in or exercisable by a high court, nor can the operation of constitutional provisions relating to High Courts be suspended under this article.<\/p>\n\n\n\n An Article 234 proclamation must be laid before a joint sitting of Parliament.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It expires after two months unless it is approved by a resolution of the joint sitting. Once approved, it can be extended through further resolutions, but each extension cannot exceed two months, and the proclamation cannot remain in force for more than six months in total.<\/p>\n\n\n\n There is a separate rule where the National Assembly stands dissolved when the proclamation is issued. In that case, the proclamation can continue for three months, but if a general election to the National Assembly is not held before the end of that period, it expires unless it has earlier been approved by a resolution of the Senate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The constitutional framework does not describe either Article 232 or Article 234 as an unrestricted power of the federal government to simply dismiss a provincial government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Under Article 232, the president\u2019s emergency power is tied to the constitutionally specified circumstances of war, external aggression or internal disturbance beyond the provincial government\u2019s power to control. For an emergency based on internal disturbance, the Constitution requires a resolution of the provincial assembly, unless the president acts on his own, in which case approval by both houses of Parliament is required within 10 days.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Article 234, meanwhile, requires the president to be satisfied that the provincial government cannot be carried on in accordance with the Constitution, after receiving a report from the governor, and provides for parliamentary oversight through the joint sitting.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Article 236(2) states that the validity of a proclamation or order issued under Part X of the Constitution shall not be called in question in any court. Part X contains Articles 232 to 237, including the provisions governing emergency and failure of constitutional machinery.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This does not mean, however, that every legal question surrounding government action during such a period is necessarily beyond judicial consideration. Questions concerning the exercise of other constitutional powers, laws, fundamental rights or actions taken under a proclamation can raise separate legal issues. The precise scope of any such challenge would depend on the action being questioned and the constitutional provision invoked.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In practical terms, both provisions can substantially increase the federal government\u2019s role, but they operate differently.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Under Article 232, Parliament obtains additional legislative authority over the affected province and the federal executive can issue directions to the provincial government. The federal government can also assume some or all functions of the provincial government, or direct the governor to do so on its behalf.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Under Article 234, the president can assume, or direct the governor to assume, functions of the provincial government, while the powers of the provincial assembly can be made exercisable by or under the authority of Parliament.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In neither case can the federal government or governor take over the constitutional powers of a high court.<\/p>\n\n\n\n What is the difference between emergency and Governor\u2019s rule?<\/p>\n\n\n\n The two constitutional mechanisms can therefore be distinguished broadly as follows:<\/p>\n\n\n\n Triggered by war, external aggression or an internal disturbance beyond the provincial government\u2019s power to control.<\/p>\n\n\n\n For internal disturbance, a provincial assembly resolution is ordinarily required.<\/p>\n\n\n\n If the president acts independently, both houses must approve the proclamation within 10 days.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Parliament gains additional legislative powers for the affected province.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The federal government can assume some or all provincial executive functions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The proclamation normally requires joint-sitting approval within two months.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Triggered when the president is satisfied that the provincial government cannot be carried on in accordance with the Constitution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The mechanism begins with a report from the provincial governor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The president can assume provincial government functions or direct the governor to do so.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Provincial assembly powers can be made exercisable by or under the authority of Parliament.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Parliamentary approval is required for continuation beyond two months.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The maximum period is six months, subject to the constitutional provisions concerning a dissolved National Assembly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Pakistan has a long history of federal intervention in provincial affairs, although the constitutional mechanisms and political circumstances have varied over different periods.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In the case of the former North-West Frontier Province, now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, federal intervention occurred under different constitutional and political arrangements. For example, in February 1975 the federal government ordered the governor to assume the functions and powers of the provincial government under Article 232, citing an emergency that it said was beyond the provincial government\u2019s ability to control.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The current Constitution itself contains a historical note recording the issuance of an order concerning the then NWFP on February 16, 1975 under Article 232 and its rescission on May 3, 1975. It also records a similar proclamation concerning Balochistan in 1976.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Pakistan\u2019s experience with direct federal or military control of provinces also includes periods that cannot simply be equated with the present Article 232\/234 framework. The country\u2019s constitutional and political system underwent major changes during periods of martial law and military rule, meaning historical references to \u201cGovernor\u2019s rule\u201d need to be examined in the context of the constitutional arrangement in force at the time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Parliamentary approval is therefore a central constitutional check on both mechanisms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n For an Article 232 emergency, the proclamation must be presented to Parliament and, in the ordinary case, approved by a joint sitting before the initial two-month period expires. In the specific case of an internally imposed emergency where the president acts without a provincial assembly resolution, both houses must separately consider the proclamation within 10 days.<\/p>\n\n\n\n For an Article 234 proclamation, the joint sitting must approve the measure if it is to continue beyond two months, with further extensions subject to the two-month-at-a-time limit and the overall six-month ceiling.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Thus, neither provision creates an indefinite mechanism for transferring provincial authority to the centre. Both contain time limits and parliamentary procedures that must be followed for the measures to continue.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Constitution provides two distinct routes for an extraordinary federal intervention in a province.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Article 232 is the emergency route, intended for situations involving war, external aggression or internal disturbance beyond the provincial government\u2019s capacity to control.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Article 234 is the constitutional-machinery route, under which the president may intervene when the provincial government can no longer be carried on in accordance with the Constitution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Both can result in the federal government or governor exercising functions ordinarily performed by the provincial government, and Article 234 can place the provincial assembly\u2019s legislative powers under Parliament. But the Constitution imposes procedural safeguards, parliamentary approval requirements and clear limits on the duration of these measures. In both cases, the powers of the High Court remain specifically protected.<\/p>\n\n\n\n PAK SOUCH MEDIA GROUP<\/p>\n\n\n\n Daily Pak Souch Newspaper Sukkur \u2013 Daily Pak Special Newspaper Karachi \u2013 Daily Pak Today Newspaper Karachi – Daily Pak Jazbo Newspaper Sukkur<\/p>\n\n\n\n Head Office : Ayub Gate Shaikh Muhalla Near Rabbania Masjid Sukkur<\/p>\n\n\n\n Karachi Office : Office No. 1901-B, 19th Floor Saima Trade Tower (B) Block I.I Chandigarh Road Near Jung Press, Shaheen Complex & National Museum of Pakistan Karachi Sindh Pakistan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Contact : 03009319022<\/p>\n\n\n\n Website 1 : https:\/\/paksouch.com\/<\/a> ISLAMABAD: Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on Wednesday chaired a high-level consultative meeting to review the situation in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, with the government considering various constitutional..<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":16817,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-16816","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-pakistan"],"featured_image_urls":{"full":["https:\/\/paksouch.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Pak-Souch-Social-Media-Poster-42-1.png",800,947,false],"thumbnail":["https:\/\/paksouch.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Pak-Souch-Social-Media-Poster-42-1-150x150.png",150,150,true],"medium":["https:\/\/paksouch.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Pak-Souch-Social-Media-Poster-42-1-253x300.png",253,300,true],"medium_large":["https:\/\/paksouch.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Pak-Souch-Social-Media-Poster-42-1-768x909.png",768,909,true],"large":["https:\/\/paksouch.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Pak-Souch-Social-Media-Poster-42-1.png",800,947,false],"1536x1536":["https:\/\/paksouch.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Pak-Souch-Social-Media-Poster-42-1.png",800,947,false],"2048x2048":["https:\/\/paksouch.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Pak-Souch-Social-Media-Poster-42-1.png",800,947,false]},"author_info":{"info":["admin"]},"category_info":"Pakistan<\/a>","tag_info":"Pakistan","comment_count":"0","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/paksouch.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16816","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/paksouch.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/paksouch.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/paksouch.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/paksouch.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=16816"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/paksouch.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16816\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":16818,"href":"https:\/\/paksouch.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16816\/revisions\/16818"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/paksouch.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/16817"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/paksouch.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=16816"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/paksouch.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=16816"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/paksouch.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=16816"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}Federal ministers accuse KP govt of failing on security<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
Security situation adds pressure<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
PTI rejects allegations, insists march will be peaceful<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
How can emergency or governor\u2019s rule be imposed in a province?<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
What does Article 232 say about an emergency?<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
Does an emergency take away the provincial assembly\u2019s powers?<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
How long can an emergency remain in force?<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
What is Governor\u2019s rule under Article 234?<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
What happens to provincial assembly under Article 234?<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
How long can Governor\u2019s rule last?<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
Can federal government simply dismiss provincial government?<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
Can these proclamations be challenged in court?<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
What powers move to the centre?<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
Article 232 \u2014 Emergency<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
Article 234 \u2014 Failure of constitutional machinery<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
Pakistan\u2019s history of federal intervention in provinces<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
What would parliamentary approval mean?<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
The bottom line<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
Website 2 : https:\/\/sindhi.paksouch.com\/<\/a>
Website 3 : https:\/\/pakjazbo.com\/<\/a>
Website 4 : https:\/\/urdu.pakjazbo.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"